Institutions play a large role in the
development of culture and nations.
Institutions as small as the social interpretation of a wink (Geertz,
1973) to as large as the education system all influence how a society is formed
and how it understands itself (Reed, 1993, Buruma, 2004). Institutions have been studied thoroughly in
social science research; however, the institutions of music education (the
Conservatoire) and dissemination (the Opéra) vis-à-vis nation construction have
received little attention. The state
uses these institutions to filter music in hopes of creating a unified citizenry
under one banner. Therefore, just as
much as the military, school education and bureaucracy are studied to see their
effects on the populace of a nation, national musical systems need to be investigated. Because of the state’s hands on approach towards
music as a tool of nation formation, France’s musical institutions serve
as an excellent case study to begin understanding music’s relationship with
nationalism. This section begins this
analysis.
Keitner argues that the French Revolution was
only a stepping stone on the ladder that created the French nation as it is
known today (Keitner, 2007). The
Revolution and the Reign of Terror had left the people of France divided
and fearful. When the Jacobins gained
control of the government, they began using institutions – the military,
education, the Opéra (Fulcher, 2001), and museums – to begin the unification of
the French people and restore faith in the government. The Jacobins, continuing through the Third Republic,
saw music as an essential tool to aid in the process of nation building because
of its ability to cross boundaries (Larroument, 1895; Johnson, 2000). It was this belief that began the tradition
of a top-down approach to cultural creation through direct control of the
Conservatoire de Paris and the indirect control of the Opéra.
By 1792 the pre-revolutionary maitressies (local musical schools) were
disassembled by the state, resulting in the complete disappearance of French
public music schools. To fill this
void, and keep the Germans from gaining complete domination of the musical
world, the Conservatoire was founded becoming the only place to train
musicians. The Conservatoire’s foremost
purpose was to be at the disposal of the government for celebrations and events
with the training of musicians considered secondary (Fulcher, 1987:48-53; J.B.,
1890:393). Because it was used at the
disposal of the government, the composers were strictly regulated in what they
could compose, what the pieces could sound like, and the type of music allowed
to be presented to the public (Lockspaiser, 1962).
On January 3, 1784, a national convention
comprised of the constitutional and legislative deliberative assembly (which
sat from September 20, 1792 - October 26, 1795) sat to consider the funding,
purpose, and organization of the Conservatoire.
Sarette - a military band leader and advocate for the school – in
conjunction with Chénier – a poet – drew on French national pride to address
the delegates and citizens present:
“The artists of the band of the
Paris National Guard, which, as a body, presents an aggregate of talent unique in Europe,
come to beg of your love for all that can contribute
to the glory of the Republic, the establishment of a National Institute of
Music. The public interest, tied to that of the arts, should make you feel all
the utility of their request. It is
a justice due to their citizenship as
much as to their humanity. The artists, for six months past, have
devoted their energies and talents to the instruction of youths taken from
among the poorest citizens of each section” (emphasis added, J.B.,
1890:393).
These
nationalist pleas accentuated the need to educate musicians throughout France by
showing the unique talent of the French musicians compared to that of other nations. This harkens back to Anderson’s
idea of a horizontal comradeship showing that nationality is more important
than class (Anderson,
2006). This “comradeship” was seen in
the slogan of the French Revolution: “Liberté,
Égalité, Fraternité.” Many
of the Jacobin leaders were constrained by this slogan with which had won the
revolution. This slogan was now, at the
outset of the nation, a key aspect of why and how decisions were made. The result of these nationalist pleas was the
issuing of the following decree which demonstrates the government’s hope to
training a musical force:
“From April 1 next will be
provided for the establishment (of the Opéra) a school supplied with able
masters of music, the clavecin, declamation, the French language, &c.,
charged to teach music, composition, and, in general, all that can train the
various talents…, as well as all that will be more amply set forth in the
regulations to be made determining the choice, functions, and emoluments of the
various masters, the number of pupils, and the qualifications for admission,
their treatment, and, lastly, the interior management of the said school”
(J.B., 1890:393).
This decreed allowed the government to organize
the Conservatoire to promote the state’s interests (for as Anderson states, a nation is constructed by
the state according to the interests of the sate). The institution allowed the government the
ability to cease “importing” musicians from Germany
and Italy
(Pasler, 2009:147). Additionally, the
state gained a monopoly on music education. The state was able to use musicians
of the Conservatoire at public events to make the government look strong, even
at times of weakness, while allowing a platform for the government to use music
to cross all dialects and languages (a dilemma faced by all French governments
until 1914) (Weber, 1976). Moreover,
through the use of competitions at festivals, the government hoped to create a
French national music and create a French pride amongst its people (Pasler,
2009).
When considering the Conservatoire,
musicologists investigate the teaching of music – especially solfège – and the
role competitions played in the development of composers. The Prix de Rome (the highest award granted
to a pupil of the Conservatoire) is just one of the many examples of the value
of music in France. The award required a two-year stay at the
Villa Medici in Rome, optionally followed by a year or two of travel elsewhere,
generally to Germany and Italy, and a total of four years of state support. The state hoped the prize would broaden the
horizons of the recipients (Clevenger, 2001:11). This may seem contrary to the
elitism found in French music. However,
the French were only beginning to create a sound of their own and realized some
of the best operatic music to date was composed by the Germans and
Italians. Although France belittled
those nations, the French did see where they could learn from them. This is similar to math and science today in America. Many international students come to America to study because America has
(arguably) the best programs in the field, and then go back to their home
nations to contribute what they learned and make their nation better.
Musicologists show there was clear desire of the
French state to form the musical world (Pasler, 2009; Fulcher, 1987, 2001;
Ross, 2008, Kelly, 2008). The state’s
use of the Conservatoire through education and the Prix de Rome Competition as
a way to have the composer dependent on the state have shown that music is an
essential element in the understanding of the construction of a French national
identity. Additionally, regulation
showed the government’s involvement in nation building because it played a
limiting role in the development of music – the composer’s pieces had to conform
to the desires of the French government.
Additionally, musicologists’ investigation into
the lives of composers while at the Conservatoire has shown the strict building
of the hatred of the other – the Germans or Italians - and how the state
perpetuated a French musical ideal by keeping other influences from succeeding
within the system. When such outside
influences began to take root (such as exoticism), the state would crack down
to prevent such growth from occurring.
For example, at the turn of the nineteenth century, Berlioz was denied
the harmony class he needed for a conductors position at the Paris Opéra
because, although virtually all considered Berlioz the best technically, he
created work with exotic influences and failed to support French composers of
lesser quality in his reviews (Bloom, 2000:137). This trend continued well into the turn of
the twentieth century when Claude Debussy sat at the piano to mimic the sound
of buses (strictly a fun experiment in composition). One of his peers, M. Emmanuell stated that
the sounds he heard at the piano were like sounds he had never heard before:
“groups of consecutive fifths
and octaves; seventh which instead of being resolved in the proper way actually led to the note
above or weren’t resolved at all; ‘shameful
false relations’; chords of the ninth on all degrees of scale; chords of the
eleventh and thirteenth; all the notes of the diatonic scale heard at once in
fantastic arrangements…All this Claude called ‘le regal de l’ouie’ (a feast for
the ear). Delibese’s class shook with amazement and fear” (Lockspaiser,
1962:30, emphasis added).
Use
of such terminology as “shameful” and “proper” illuminate the importance of
what was considered French music. The
mere fact that Delibese’s (the composition teacher at the time) class shook
with “amazement and fear” gives evidence of the demands of the school from the
government who determined which works were French. Students knew which rules to follow and that
their compositions needed to have a French
texture, feel and color.
This incident gave Debussy a reputation as an
eccentric and troublesome propagandist, which led to an investigation of him
for years by the state registrar (Lockspaiser, 1962:30). It was during this investigation that Émile
Réty (the appointed Secretary General of France) asked Debussy “So you
imagine that dissonant chords do not have to be resolved? What rule do you follow?” This implies that
there was a correct French way to
compose that the state endorsed. “‘Mon
plaisir!’ Debussy replied…And Réty turned away pale with indignation” (Lockspaiser, 1962:30, emphasis added). The Secretary General, angry that Debussy did
not follow the French rules, kept him on the registrar for further
investigation and observation. Clearly,
musicologists have shown the state had a vested and important role in the
creation of French music - and therefore its nation.
The state was heavily involved in competition as
well. Musicologists have shown
competition, especially the Prix de Rome, was essential to the development of a
French musical identity. An example is Berlioz’s
and Debussy’s experience of competing for the Prix de Rome multiple times due
to their less than French compositions. Specifically,
Debussy was denied the award the first two times because his works followed the
Wagnerian formula too much, and therefore, were not French enough (Clevenger,
2001:44). Debussy finally won the Prix
de Rome on his third attempt in 1884 with L’Enfant
prodigue. His composition had been
significantly changed to follow that of the French Massenet style.
Comparatively, this trend of controlling musical
institutions was echoed by the following governments and became significant
during the Third Republic. The Republicans of the Third Republic
continued to use the Conservatoire but expanded its influence to the
entertainment of the populace. The
Republic used the Opéra Nationale, especially during the years of 1830-1860, to
create a national pride and national musical culture. Through the use of heavy censorship, subsidization,
and free and cheap ticket prices for the masses, the government saw the Opéra
as a way to connect politically with both the events of the day and those of
the turbulent past (Fulcher, 1987, 2001).
French Grand Opera (which became synonymous with
the Opéra) is commonly defined as “French opera
of the Romantic period, sung throughout, generally in five acts, grandiose in
conception and impressively staged” which became current terminology in the
nineteenth century (Oxford Music Dictionary).
Music built up the libretto (the script), the action, and the story
(Pendle, 1971:537). Large choruses were
essential to the plot and the production, harkening back to the Greek tragedies
in which the chorus was symbolic of the people of Athens.
The Opéra was used as a form of aural story telling, as the passing down
of myths – especially myths of the Revolution.
Much like the German Wagner’s desire to take ancient myths and see them
on stage, French composers and librettists used myths and stories and experimented with subjects from popular
literature (Fulcher, 1987:22). Such
examples include Debussy’s Pelleas, Meyerbeer’s Les
Hugenots (a commentary on the French Revolution and the Jacobins seen
through the parallel of religious conflict between the Catholics and the
Protestants) and later Bruneau’s Messidor
(Lockspaier, 1962; Ross, 2008; Anglin, 2009). The opera was a tool to propel
these myths into the minds of the French citizen, to build a national
community, much like the Babuki theatre did in Japan (Buruma, 2003). Myths through opera also provided a way for the state to involve the
masses and construct an imagined community.
Additionally, large choruses (Pasler, 2009),
libretto written for a middle class audience (as opposed to the aristocracy)
(Lockspaiser, 1962; Fulcher, 1987), and the use of myths combined with the free
and cheap performances and the accessibility of the opera to the people led to
an increasingly wider fan base (Pasler, 2009). The Opéra was no longer strictly
an aristocratic pastime, the working and middle class began attending in
masses.
These institutions played significant roles in
French nation construction. Musicologists
look extensively at the construction, operation, and influence these
institutions had in Paris. The Opéra and the Conservatoire were both
used to educate the people on what was considered French-ness. Moreover, musicologists have done significant
amounts of research into the organization, funding, and interpretation of performances
by the Opéra. Fulcher shows that the
state heavily affected the “formation of the genre’s artistic traits, the
audience’s construal of their significance, and concomitantly the gradual
transformation they sustained in response” (Fulcher, 1987:2). Pasler looks extensively into the use of
censorship, subsidies, and state approaches to diversifying the audiences
(Pasler, 2009). Ross, Johnson, and Rosen
all show how the institution was interpreted by the citizenry.
During
the restoration, the Opéra was purely in the hands of the social elite. The purpose of the Opéra was to seduce and
impress, if not directly, by “reaching a wide audience” (Fulcher,
1987:13). Musicologists have done
extensive research into the repertoire of the Opéra and its intended message to
the people. Moreover, they have looked
at the physical construction of the Opéra (the removal of boxed seats for the
aristocracy and the increase in seats) as well as money spent and the income
from revenue. The overall trend has
shown that the Conservatoire and the Opéra were significant to the development
of a national identity because of the state’s heavy hand in creating a French
musical sound through competitions, education and the control of what the
populace heard at the Opéra.
Musicologists have shown that the state gave
music “an honorable sanctuary and a political existence” while establishing a
tradition of music upon which the Third
Republic later built up
with the Opéra (Sarette, speech for the opening of the Conservatoire,
1797). The government played a large role
in what was considered French music, going so far as to label those who did not
follow it as propagandists, and to investigate them thoroughly. Additionally, because composers were often
reliant on the state for their livelihood, the state held an important role in
the music that was developed. The state
saw both institutions as tools to promote national character in music, create a
musical tradition based on revolutionary ideals, allow the state to stay in contact
with the soul of the citizen, and to teach these foundations to future
generations (Pasler, 2009:149).
Although, throughout France,
Paris was considered the cultural center, this
research does not show how such institutions were viewed by the citizens beyond
the border of Paris in other departments
(state-like geographic divisions of France). This problem additionally limits
musicologists’ claims that myths at the Opéra were disseminated among the
populace of France. Furthermore, this approach does not consider
the education many composers (including but not limited to David, Berlioz, Debussy)
received outside of the Conservatoire from family members or from travels
abroad and how it played a role in their musical development at the
Conservatoire and, ultimately, what they produced for the state. Nor does this approach consider the accessibility
of these institutions to those citizens living far from Paris.
During the period from the Revolution until approximately the turn of
the nineteenth century travel was difficult, there was little infrastructure,
weather conditions often made travel dangerous (Weber, 1976) and much of France
was comprised of farmers and a work force who did not have the financial means
to be able to send a pupil to learn in Paris.
Additionally, musicologists’ research of these
institutions, although considering quantitative features such as receipts of
the Opéra and the amount spent in a year, do not consider how much this amounts
to in per capita GDP nor how this money was being spent in other departments,
which could alter the estimated impact of the institutions on the populace. Research does not show how the government
spent money for the arts, or comparable institutions outside of Paris. Money is also not the only way to
investigate music’s affect. Research
needs to look more extensively into how the people of France understood the arts, which composers the
average citizen knew of, which music pieces they could “sing along with” or
recognize outside of Paris
combined with how the average citizen interpreted these pieces. This could be accomplished through historic
investigation into specific villages, such as Weber’s inquiry begins. Such data can begin to be found in the op-ed
pieces of newspapers, reviews, and the constituency of the papers. Additionally, data may be found in the
references in literature and art to the specific pieces of the day and at
festivals and celebrations. Though the
dearth of this research may be very daunting, it still demands investigation.
Moreover, musicologists do not consider the
national conventions nor the ministry offices that were in charge of budgeting
for the arts and education. The standard
operating procedures (SOPs) and the traditions of these institutions that
affected the outcome of such important decisions, for which the political
science research lends a helping hand, needs to be considered for a full
comprehension of how the state viewed music and its role in nation
building. Social scientists have shown
that institutions have deeply embedded structures that are hard to see without
a historical approach and understanding of the meanings of SOPs and the
transitions that lead to new SOP’s (Reed, 1993; Olsen and March, 1984). These meanings can only be established and
understood within a discussion of traditions (Hobsbawm, 2003), which is not
considered by musicologists. The SOP’s of both the Conservatoire and the Opéra
need further investigation in order to see how the artists, composers, and the
administration of both saw (or did not see) their role in nation
development. Research should look at the
qualifications of appointments to the leaders of the Conservatoire and the
Opéra, where they were educated, and job descriptions to begin. Additionally, a thorough investigation into
the minutes of meetings would provide a platform to begin such analysis.
This section shows how a concentrated inquiry
into the history and construction of a musical institution is necessary but not
sufficient in understanding nationalism because it looks at how the state uses
its tools as well as the resources of the people. Musicologists have provided the starting
point from which political scientists can now begin intense investigation. It is now essential to expand beyond Paris and into the other departments to really begin to
see how institutions affected the national construction throughout France. Moreover, an investigation into the SOP’s of
the national conventions as well as the institutions themselves needs further
inquiry to best see the extent of state involvement and how the institutions
were perceived to affect the citizenry’s understanding of their identity.